Translated by Henry Fischer
The expulsion of the Turks from Hungary under the
leadership of Charles of Lorraine and the Bavarian Prince Max Emmanuel
resulted in the liberation of Majós in 1686. It appears that the local
population fled the area during the conflict. In the census of Tolna County
in 1696 Majós is not even mentioned. Later some South Slavs (Croatians)
resided in the community. In 1715 there were still four taxpaying Croat
farmers in Majós but no Germans. Johann Weidlein suggested that Germans
settled here between 1713-1715 but that cannot be substantiated. The County
Archives in Szekszárd speak of twelve Franconian families living in Majós in
1720 replacing the Croats who had left. The question is: Were the Germans
really from Franconia (now the northern part of Bavaria). And secondly, when
did they actually arrive?
There is nothing definite that can be said about the
original German colonists in Majós. What we know for certain is that the
nobleman Franz Kun signed a settlement contract on September 28, 1720 with:
Johann Heinrich Neun
Andreas Glits
Johann Heinrich Schneider
Augustinius Deckmann
On the basis of the “Church Chronicles of Majós” the
first German settlers arrived in 1720. That, however, is not probable. No
landlord would sign a settlement treaty with subjects that he did not know
very well. It stands to reason that they had arrived at least the previous
year and Kun had the opportunity to observe their industriousness and skills
as farmers. In addition, Franz Kun attests on March 22, 1727 that pastor
Andreas Christoph von Wieder, who is referred to as the third pastor in the
Minutes of the Lutheran congregation, was actually the fourth pastor to serve
in Majós. According to the Church Records, pastor Schwarzfelder was the
first, followed by Egerland who was second, and then von Wieder who was the
third. But Franz Kun insisted that von Wieder was the fourth. We know now
that he was correct. Before Schwarzfelder ever undertook his ministry in
Majós, Samuel Bertram, who had been driven out of the village by the Roman
Catholic authorities, had preceded him. We are now quite certain that Germans
lived in Majós before 1720 and had their own pastor, and after his expulsion
from Majós they moved on themselves. That is probably the reason for the
Second Point in the settlement agreement that states:
“…they are to build
here again, where the village
formerly stood and
rebuild the seventy houses
and resettle the
village with other good people.”
Where did these original settlers come from? Where did
they go? When did they first arrive in Majós? They were excellent settlers
according to the above excerpt from the new contract agreement. There are no
answers to our questions and those who followed them had no knowledge of their
predecessors. The only thing we know about them was that they were evangelisch (Lutherans) and their pastor Samuel Bertram came from
Magdeburg in Saxony, and because he was “a foreigner” he was run out of the
village and the County, and was then quickly followed by the members of his
congregation.
A book entitled: Eleven Families from Bleichenbach
Emigrate to Hungary in 1722 was published in 1929. Among the eleven
families were Augustinius Deckmann and Johann Heinrich Neun who were among the
signatories of the first settlement contract in Majós. Pastor Johann George
Blum provided this information in the book. He served the Lutheran
congregations in Selters, Bleichenbach, Wippenbach and Konradsdorf. In the
parish records he left behind, he left a significant note about “the
emigration to Hungary”. He mentions that the loss of over sixty souls in his
congregation in Bleichenbach saddened him greatly. There was also a family
from Selters that joined the group from Bleichenbach. There is no additional
information about the result of the emigration, provisions for their journey,
the travel route they took, or how long their journey lasted. This is the
final entry with regard to this notation by the pastor:
“…as the Turks fled Hungary
from 1683 to 1717 and
left it a wasteland, the
Emperor of the Holy Roman
Empire announced that Roman
Catholics, Lutherans
and Reformed were welcome to
come and settle in
Hungary and they would be free
of providing labour
for their landlord for several
years, and were guaranteed
freedom of religion and
conscience. As a result, many
people from the Pfalz,
Wetterau, Vogelsburg, Darmstadt
and Hanau were quick to leave,
seeking a better economic
situation. They soon learned
that they had a lot of hard
work ahead of them, and many
of them wished they had
stayed at home in the German
lands, as David suggests in Psalm
37:3.”
In 1722, the following Lutheran inhabitants from
Bleichenbach left for Hungary:
Heinrich Liebegott (an
assessor at Court) his wife and seven children;
Johann Heinrich Neun, his
wife Anna Maria and seven children;
Weigand Deckmann, wife Anna
Maria and seven children;
Johannes Ritzel, his wife
Elisabeth Margareta, and four children;
Catharina Liebegott, widow
of Hans Liebegott and her two sons;
Johann George Rausch, wife
Anna Catharina and their children;
Christofel Pflug, a brick
maker, Roman Catholic and his
wife Margareta and seven
children all of whom were Lutherans;
Johann Conrad Deckmann and
wife Anna Margareta;
Johann Heinrich Ritzel, his
wife Elisabeth who was Reformed;
In the previous year, Hans
Jakob Arndt a Reformed
villager in Bleichenbach
and his Lutheran wife Elisabeth
and their son who was
Reformed and their three Lutheran
daughters left for Hungary.
(Translator’s note: There were a minimum of 40
children involved in this exodus, which is hardly ever mentioned in
descriptions of the Great Swabian Migration into Hungary. It is also
important to note the degree of mixed marriages among them as well. The Arndt
family is especially significant in that the tradition of sons following the
religion of their father and daughters that of their mother was brought with
the settlers to Hungary and would continue on in Hungary up to the expulsion
of the Danube Swabians in 1946-1948.)
All of the above individuals and families ended up
settling in Majós. Johann Ritzel, one of the new arrivals died on October 29,
1722 less than a year after coming to Majós. It appears that these families
were in contact with Germany by letter and many others came in response to
their encouragement to join them in Hungary.
In the Tax List of 1727/1728 a Latin notation points out:
“One can say that the
village of Majós had reverted
to wilderness in long
times past, but in 1720 one
began to settle it with
Franconians and some other
nationalities and were
granted three years of freedom
from labour from their
landlords and the right for
families to inherit
land. It belonged to the highborn
noblemen, Lord Baron
Schilson and Lord Franz Kun.”
The estate owners ruled both the County and their
subjects and received the land for services rendered to the Emperor during the
Turkish campaign. Before the Turkish occupation the land and forests had
belonged to the magnates and nobles. During the 150 yearlong occupations by
the Turks many of the estate owners fled or their families died out and there
were no heirs after the Turks were expelled. As a result, the Emperor was
free to use these “orphaned” estates as payment or recognition of his faithful
military and political allies, promising thereby continued loyalty to the
Habsburgs. That is how the estates passed into the hands of Franz Kun and
Baron Schilson and was later sold to the Perzel family.
(Translator’s note: The Settlement Treaty with
Franz Kun follows in the text, which I am not including, except for Point
Thirteen.) (Please see the translation of the Settlement Treaty:
Majos_Contract
“The calling of a pastor
and the practice of
religion was subject to
the Emperor’s will and
the approval of the
County. The costs of
supporting a pastor,
building a church or
parsonage were at the
total expense of the
settlers down to the
last penny.”
In the Tax List prepared by the County in 1720, the
following families are listed for Majós. (Translator’s note:
The
Hungarian officials who prepared the list did so on the basis of what they
thought they heard when the settlers were asked their family names. They
would have assumed they were illiterate as were their Hungarian serfs. I have
provided the actual German names wherever possible.)
Joannes
Hoffman Joannes Christoph Smit
(Schmidt)
Michael Snaider
(Schneider) Joannes Peter Rauch (Rausch)
Joannes Paulus Secl (Jackel) Joannes Conrad Kenich (Konig)
Augustin Tekmann (Deckmann)
Just Dewich
Conrad Nay (Neun) Andreas Klics (Glits)
Joannes Wilhelm Spiznagel
(Spitznagel) Conrad Amd (Arndt)
In 1723 another group of colonists settled in Majós and
these names are taken from the Tax Lists as above.
Heinrich Hesz
(Hess) Philippus Schlajer (Schleier)
Peter Edlmann (Edelmann) Peter Fischer
Peter Pekt (Becht,
Bechtel)
Joannes Praun (Braun)
Paulus Wilhem Vencl
Miler (Wenzel Muller)
Christian Pucher
(Bucher) Paulus Hesz (Hess)
Caspar Raver
(?) Petrus Hesz (Hess)
Jakobus Danyer
(?) Stephan Hausz (Haas)
Johannes Schen (Schon) Andreas Vaihaldt (?)
Joannes Kirner (Kerner)
Christian Pukler (Puchler, Pichler)
Friderich Mulak
(?) Friedericus Malch (Mailach)
The following names were added to the Tax Lists by the
County authorities in 1724:
Joannes Spitznagel Jakob Tewich (Dewich)
Philip Krais
(Krauss) Joannes Peter Poth
(Both)
Joannes Henrich
Kraft Joannes Peter Edlmann (Edelmann)
Joannes Peter
Weber Friederich Mannah (?)
Conrad Tekmann (Deckmann) Joannes Kruk (Krug)
Joannes Daupert (Taubert)
Joannes Felte (Felde)
Thomas Denns (Denz) Joannes
Fulhaur (Faulhaber)
Georgius Sporer Joannes
Caspar Praun (Braun)
Johannes Sisler (Schissler)
Philip Slajer (Schleier)
Ditrich Romeisser Peter Herczperger (Hertzberger)
Later that year they added the names of the following new
settlers:
Heinrich Zimmermann
Petrus Herczperger (Hertzberger)
Henrich Tekmann (Deckmann) Joannes Praun (Braun)
Joan Peter Jekel (Jackl) Konig
Paulus Wilhelm
Henrich Beber
(Becker)
In 1725 these new colonists came to Majós and were added
to the list:
Paulus Klan
(Klein) Christof Suker (Zucher)
Petrus Riczel (Ritzel) Henrich Hess
Stefan Raus
(Rausch) Petrus Edlmann (Edelmann)
Philip Vagner
(Wagner) Venselsius Miller
Andreas Vainhuk (Weingk
my guess) R. Nicolai Oberndorfer
Franc Widera Desiderius
Malach (Mailach)
From the records of deaths, some of the following places
of origin can be identified:
Lorch, Wuerttemberg
Burgenland
Bleichenbach, Hesse
Nortingen
Klingenbergen
Griesheim
Magelsdorf bei Nurnberg
Windesheim
Lindach, Swabia
Ortenberg, Bavaria
Magdeburg, Saxony
Bierstein
The Chronicles of the
Lutheran Church in Majós
The history of the Lutheran congregation in Majós must be
seen against the backdrop of the Counter Reformation, which attempted to
convert all non-Catholics. The Roman Catholics were prepared to use all of
the force necessary to accomplish this. Since all of the settlers in Majós
were Lutherans they would battle for the freedom to practice their faith in
the decades ahead. This freedom of religion had been granted and guaranteed
to them at the time of their emigration into Hungary by the Emperor Charles
VI. Only with the publication of the Edict of Toleration and the permission
of Emperor Joseph II would the lot of the Lutherans be improved when they were
permitted to build churches and parsonages, as well as freely call their
pastors and schoolmasters. But it would take years to achieve full religious
freedom. Although they were allowed to build their churches, they could not
be on a street but behind the houses or at the very end of the village. The
entrance to the church could not face or be seen from the street. The Majós
church building was built on a hill, at the outskirts of the village totally
removed from any street and without a tower. The prohibition against having a
tower was only lifted by Emperor Joseph II on January 27, 1789.
The resettlement of Majós is identified with the coming
of the German colonists in 1720 for which there is documented proof. The
Church Minutes in Majós report:
“In the year of our Lord 1720 we
came from Germany
in response to the invitation of
His Glorious Imperial
Majesty, Emperor Charles VI with
the full assurance we
were allowed the full expression
of our religion if we
settled in Hungary.”
(Translator’s note:
This is one of many
documented cases referring to the Emperor’s religious concessions to Ernst
Ludwig of Hesse who made that a condition before he allowed the Emperor’s
recruiters to enter his territories in search of settlers, which further
indicates their origins were in Hesse.)
As pointed out earlier, these settlers had been preceded
by other German Lutheran colonists a year or two previously. The Royal State
Chancellery in 1730 recorded a note to the effect that, “It is understood that
before 1720 religious life in Majós had already begun.” Obviously German
Lutherans were in Majós as early as 1717-1718. However, there is no direct
written account of that settlement. Others suggest either 1713 or 1715 as the
date of their arrival, but without any historical documented substantiation
for the claim. Franz Kun gave permission for the building of a Bethaus
in 1720 to serve as a place for worship and a school and the so-called “first”
pastor, Jeremias Schwarzwälder was also installed at that time. He also acted
as the schoolmaster.
Pastor Hagen who began to serve in Majós in 1784 first
compiled the above information. He found only scattered notes and developed a
comprehensive report out of them. It is possible that he overlooked the fact
that another pastor had served in Majós before Schwarzwälder, or found no
evidence to substantiate it. There are other references to Schwarzwälder as
the first pastor, i.e. the Rausch family Bible. Only the attestation of Franz
Kun mentioned previously, which was dated 27.03.1727 states, “The exiled
pastor von Wieder was driven out of Majós a second time, and he was the fourth
in line of the pastors who served Majós. Before von Wieder, there had been
Egerland and before him Schwarzwälder.” If in fact, there were four pastors,
who then was Schwarzwälder’s predecessor? It was Betram.
In Anton Tafferner’s source book on Danube Swabian
historical writings he includes a report written by George Bárány on the
development of Lutheran congregations in the Tolna and its environs and
relates the following:
“In 1719 the German Lutheran congregation was
established in Varsad along with a filial group in Kalazno, and at the same
time the congregation in Majós on the estates of Baron Schilson and Filials
in Hidas and Cikó were organized, along with the German congregations in
Izmény, Kismányok, Mucsfa and Bátaapáti. Later German congregations were
established in Kistormás and a filial in Felsönána. In the same year
congregations were organized in Mórágy and Tofu.”
(Translator’s note:
Filial is a term used to
describe an organized congregation without a resident pastor associated with a
pastor serving another congregation. In effect they formed a parish. Filial
is part of the term affiliation.)
Bárány then reports on the pastor who served in Majós:
Bertram
Egerland
Wieder (somestimes
von Wieder)
At the first “synod convention” of the Evangelical
Lutherans in Tolna County held in Sárszentlörinc in 1725, the pastor from
Majós, Wieder was elected as the Inspector of the German-speaking
congregations in the Seniorat.
(Translator’s note:
The term Seniorat is the
designation used to describe the church organization the Lutherans formed
beyond the level of the local congregation which in North America would be
called Districts or Synods.)
The name of Schwarzwälder is missing in the list of
pastors in Majós. But he is named as the pastor in Varsad. That he also
served in Gyönk for a short time is not mentioned. Bárány could have made an
error in this regard.
In Spiegel-Schmidt’s history, Schwarzwälder accompanied
the settlers who arrived in Varsad in 1718. He was unable to minister there
for very long. The Roman Catholic bishop of Pécs, Count Nesselrode, who was
also High Sheriff of Tolna County, had the pastor thrown into prison. He
suffered torture and other physical abuse for six months in an attempt to
convert him. He would not be released until he promised not to serve as a
Lutheran “preacher” or serve a congregation in Tolna County. In spite of that
restriction, in 1720 the Majós church register records some interesting
information in the section dealing with deaths and funerals as follows: “The
deceased Anna Maria Blesserin, beloved wife of Johann Peter Blesser was buried
in Kismányok, with the funeral sermon preached by the pastor of Majós,
Schwarzwälder.” He also baptized a child in Majós on September 27. 1720. The
parents were Christian Johann Schadel and Anna Barbara.
Pastor Schwarzwälder was expelled again, this time from
Majós in 1722, as his predecessor Friedrich Samuel Betram of Magdeburg had
been earlier. In effect, Schwarzwälder was the second pastor to serve in
Majós. We also learn in Spiegel-Schmidt’s book that Schwarzwälder headed for
Gyönk on his expulsion from his pastorate in Majós. But after a very short
time he was to be found in Bakonyscsernye where he served for the next five
years and where he was buried.
A Lutheran archivist, Count Stephan Zichy reports:
“When he became ill in 1731, the pastor of Bakonyscernye
was taken to Mor for medical help. After the ill pastor took the prescribed
medicine he immediately began to sweat and died shortly afterwards. His
congregation attempted to take his body back to Bakonyscernye for burial. The
Capuchin monks at Mor attempted to hinder that. Only after long consultations
and hearings was the congregation able to secure his body and carry out the
funeral back at home. The church records in Varsad indicate their suspicions
that their former pastor had been poisoned by the local barber who was awarded
honours by the Capuchin monks for his “holy work”.”
(Translator’s note:
Barbers served as surgeons,
apothecaries and doctors as a sideline to their profession. The monks at Mor
are best known for the mobs they led to raid the homes of the Lutherans in
nearby Pusztavam (Ondod) for bibles, catechisms and hymnbooks which they
publicly burned and regularly hauled off their pastors and schoolmasters to
prison including Georg Mossberger the translator’s ancestor.)
Following the banishment of Schwarzwälder, the Majós
congregation presented a petition to the County Administration to request
permission to have the freedom to practice their faith as had been promised by
the Emperor. When a decision was reached, the Assistant Sheriff of the County
summoned the congregational leaders to Szekszárd and informed them of their
negative conclusion based on information from the Emperor. The
representatives of the congregation defended themselves and replied:
“…Someone must have made a mistake and we beg the County
to find the man who is responsible, because the congregation in Majós does not
want to appear in a bad light, and we request that a permanent pastor be
allowed to serve us, since the pastor from Varsad had served Majós ever since
1720 and what is just and legal for the congregation in Varsad should also be
extended to the Majós Lutherans.”
It appears that Schwarzwälder was still listed as the
Varsad “preacher” by the County in 1722, even though at that time he had a
ministry in Majós as well. From the Minutes of the General Convention of the
County in Szekszárd on May 18, 1722 they report that at the request of Lord
Kapuzi Gyogy, the vicar of Pécs, the Convention ordered the arrest of the
Varsad preacher with the help of security forces and if found guilty he was to
be turned over to the magistrate of the County for punishment.
On October 7,1722 the Majós congregation secured a new
pastor, Johann Egerland, formerly a pastor in Györe (Raab). He served the
congregation for two years and died while in office. His funeral was held in
the Bethaus. Nothing else is known of this man or his ministry.
The next pastor arrived in 1724, whose name was Andreas
Christoph von Wieder from Pressburg which is present day Bratislava, and he
was apparently a nobleman. The badgering and pestering of the pastor by the
County and Roman Catholic Church officials was so bad that the congregation
sent a letter to the Emperor.
(Translator’s comment:
One has to admire the
fortitude and determination of our ancestors and their recklessness in dealing
with officialdom when it came to a matter of their faith and their rights.)
Their letter, written in Latin says in part:
“From among the masses who were only too happy to respond
to your Gracious Majesty’s invitation to establish colonies in Your Kingdom of
Hungary, we also in the same way have trusted in Your leniency and gentleness
as our Sovereign, and for that reason we believed you would protect us against
all disturbers of our peace, and all kinds of unpleasantness. Because of our
trust in you and with a subject’s deep respect, we are compelled to share the
following with you. In 1720 we came here in possession of your promise for
the full freedom to practice our faith publicly in Tolna County, long before
this recent decision by the so-called Commission in Pest. In 1725 an order
from the Royal State Chancellery was made public that improved the conditions
with which Lutheran pastors in Hungary had to deal. As a result the Lutheran
pastor in Majós was re-instated in his office. Up to 1725 the County
Administration put all kinds of difficulties in motion directed against the
Lutherans, but the pastor in Majós was not attacked directly since he was a
nobleman. Meanwhile the County took the Richter of Majós captive,
beating him, putting him in chains and dragged him off to Simontornya, the
capital of the County. There he was thrown into prison, innocent of any
offence, treated just like a criminal, where he had to do all of the dirty
work and was kept there for several weeks.”
(Translator’s note:
The Richter was one of the
villagers nominated by the landlord to act as his representative and act on
his behalf. He was responsible for collecting the tithes the villagers paid
to the landlord and organized the free labour to be done on the nobleman’s
estate but also acted as the spokesman for the villagers when approaching the
landlord, officials and government authorities.)
“All of this was done to intimidate the Majós Lutherans
and weaken their resolve to remain Lutherans, so that they would banish their
pastor to finally get some peace. This was made very clear to the pastor
through an understanding he had with the County Judge. The Judge had declared
that as long as the pastor was in the village there could be no hope of talk
of freeing the imprisoned Richter. The County was prepared to take other
measures should the pastor be unwilling or refused to leave. The County
threatened the confiscation of the pastor’s property/possessions and with also
banning other members of the congregation. As a result of such great pressure
and hindrances on the part of the County and also indirectly by the activities
on the Roman Catholic clergy in the nearby neighbourhood, the pastor would
have had to leave, except for the fact that like the Lutheran colonists on the
estates of Count von Mercy, they had an Imperial Decree from the Emperor which
protected them. The Majós Lutherans, like all of the colonists on the von
Mercy estates, had come to Hungary with the assurance they could trust the
word of the State, and would be true to the Sovereign and gave him respect and
loyalty.
This trust in His Majesty was now disturbed, because by
now we have invested many thousands of Gulden in the development of the
village and vineyards as we had agreed to do in our settlement treaty with our
noble landlord. It would be painful for us to have the last of what we own
stolen from us and have to leave here and return to our former homeland.
That is why we throw ourselves before the throne of your
Righteousness, Gracious Sovereign and Majesty, to issue a gracious decree to
the County to earnestly uphold all of the measures guaranteed to us in
religious matters, to re-instate our pastor in his ministry and that all of
the other issues be resolved. In response, the people of Majós will continue
to provide loyal service to His Majesty…”
This communiqué to the Emperor created panic in
officialdom and the Superior Court Judge and a representative of the County
Administration arrived in Majós to investigate the matters raised by the
congregation.
But there is also an explanation given on the part of
pastor who noted on November 24, 1726:
“This is to confirm and attest to my discussions with the
highborn and noble Judge, Gabriel Gocze who met with me and delivered the
decision that I had to leave the village of Majós and bow to the actions taken
by the County. In good faith I also had to a sign a statement that within a
space of approximately two weeks I would leave Majós, because I needed that
time to prepare and move my furnishings.”
It must be mentioned here that during the pastorate of
von Wieder the latest persecution was carried out with great pressure against
all concerned. In pastor Bárány’s report on the persecution in Tafferner’s
book, he indicates that Pastor von Wieder as the Church Inspector of the
Seniorat led the opposition against the County, but he was ignored and they
shrugged off his efforts on behalf of Majós and Nagyszekély. At the same
time, while Bárány was writing to the Emperor around 1742, another persecution
was being unleashed and County troops had taken possession of the Lutheran
Bethaus in Mekényes, while the Bethaus in Izmény was damaged and their bell
tower was destroyed.
The pastor and congregation in Majós received support
from their noble landlord, Franz Kun. He wrote the following affidavit on
their behalf:
“I affirm and attest that Herr Andreas Wieder began to
serve in Majós in 1723, in the District of the Royal County of Tolna, the
fourth Lutheran pastor to do so. He is not guilty of any human weaknesses; he
always expressed his respect and honoured all Roman Catholics, as well as
exemplified his Protestant piety, a sober and honourable man who was forced to
leave Majós as a result of the indirect pressures and openly hostile
activities of the Royal County. This statement is for the purpose of clearing
up the truth of this matter. Bonyhad, March 22, 1727.”
A further document will show that the Judge was not
responsible for these actions by the Royal State Chancellery. The Judge,
Gabriel Gocze claims on March 23, 1727:
“…with regard to Herr Andreas Christoph Wieder, the
pastor of those holding to the Augsburg Confession in Majós, that is located
in a district of Tolna County, and belongs to the land holdings and estates of
the noble born Baron von Schilson and the highly esteemed Lord Franz Kun, I
wish to state that the expulsion order for the said pastor to leave was not a
decision I made on my own part, but by order of the Royal State Chancellery
which yielded to the pressure exerted by the County Administration, and the
Roman Catholic clergy and hierarchy. The pastor was further forbidden to hold
any worships services anywhere…”
The Judge attempted to wash his hands of any guilt in the
matter, since it appeared that Kun was definitely on the side of his subject
serfs and the pastor involved. Not only did Kun thereby maintain good
relations with his peasants in Majós but also his peasants worked diligently
for him and paid their taxes.
The following document concerns the fate of the
imprisoned Richter of Majós and comes from the Royal State Chancellery. The
document begins in superlatives in describing the esteem and honour in which
the Chancellery holds those who adhere to the Augsburg Confession!
(Translator’s note:
The Augsburg Confession is the
statement of faith that the Lutheran lay representatives presented at the Diet
of Augsburg in 1530 to the Habsburg Emperor and is normative for all Lutheran
congregations to this day.)
“We wish to forward the memorandum enclosed from his
Imperial Majesty addressed to the inhabitants of Majós, which is located in
Tolna County, the following: The County has forwarded this memorandum of the
Imperial Chamber to deal graciously with it as we investigate on what grounds
the procedures taken against your Richter were undertaken. In matters of
religion, the Carolina Resolutio of the Emperor, the Sovereign
has precedence and does not permit the introduction of any new infractions
that are all subject to the interpretation of the special commission in Pest.
On this basis, we believe, dear noble estate owners you are required to inform
us of the grounds upon which the actions were taken against the Richter of
Majós.”
It was signed by the Royal State Chancellery, June 9,
1727 at a session in Pressburg, with the signatures of Count Nicholas Palfy,
Baron Adam von Mesko and John Adelffy.
The following letter was written in response. The
authors were Johann Dalmata, magistrate of the Royal County of Tolna and
Nikolaus Fardics a representative of the County Administration. It is in
Latin and partially in Hungarian.
“In the year 1727 on July 3rd, we the
undersigned carried out a legal investigation in the village of Majós located
in Tolna County. The investigation consisted of questions put to witnesses,
as to who and what needed to be considered. What could each witness reveal
about the nationally known and heroic Judge, Gocze Gabor and the grounds for
the order of the County for the expulsion of their preacher? What the witness
saw and heard from the mouth of the preacher and also what he heard in the
village.
The first witness was Stefan Kis, a soldier serving the
County, about 37 years old, under solemn oath he said, “I was in the company
of my Lord Judge, because at the time he wanted to use force to remove the
preacher from the County if necessary. He (Wieder) said, “I protest. I am a
nobleman and I have my people. If you lay one finger on me, I assure you
there will be consequences.” The villagers of Majós also heard this. But
from the mouths of the members of the congregation we also heard them say, “We
will spill our own blood to stop you from expelling or arresting our pastor.
He (Wieder) also interpreted this to the rest of us who knew only Hungarian.
The preacher spoke audibly in Hungarian to all.”
Others who were present at the time affirmed this
eyewitness report. Franz Toth from Pari, a leader of the glorious Royal
County aged 30 years. The third witness was Andreas Beczo from Bonyhad, also
a leader of the glorious County, about 37 years old. The fourth witness was
Johann Beszte from Varalja, another County official, about 50 years of age.
Their testimonies were recorded and sealed.”
Under the date of July 5, 1727 a report to the County
Administration of Tolna and the Emperor from the Superior Court Judge with
regard to his investigation of the request and correspondence of the Majós
congregation to the King, dealt with the issue of the freedom of religion.
“The gracious magistrates of this glorious County of
Tolna, examined and investigated the memorandum sent to the Emperor by the
inhabitants of Majós.
Then in the name of the whole congregation, the following
persons from Majós appeared in our presence. The ringleader of the rabble,
Johann Setel (Translator’s note: should obviously be Schadel) who
following his declaration and testimony remained in chains in the County
dungeon in Simontornya; Andreas Klicz (Klitsch) the assistant Richter and also
Johann Hoffmann, Ernst Steter, Johann Rudolff, Andreas Vayhalt (Translator’s
note: the name is probably Weinhold) and finally Wilhelm Spiessnagel (Spitznagel).
We proceeded to read Your Majesty’s memorandum and explained it to them. They
listened to us in rather great consternation and answered it as follows: that
they knew nothing of this matter and had never heard of it, and they blamed no
one for it. There was some evil-minded person who wanted a pretext to create
hatred against them. All of this was unknown to them. They returned the
Emperor’s memorandum and requested that it be sent back to the Emperor under
protest because they were not prepared to accept it.
On this basis, the community of Majós requested that the
glorious County of Tolna not punish them because of this matter. Concerning
the question of the religious preference of the community of Majós, it had
been clear to all that in 1720 the well-known pastor in Varsad served Majós as
a filial congregation. But as early as in the following year of 1721 Majós
had its own pastor who subscribed to the Augsburg Confession with the full
permission of the Commission in Pest.
Because of contemporary correspondence and documents
presented by the delegation, one had to acknowledge the establishment and
founding a Lutheran pastorate in Majós and the beginning of a ministry by the
first pastor in 1720, and public worship was allowed and not forbidden in that
year. In that year, the Majós congregation was assisted to become a
self-sustaining parish. This document is dated July 5, 1727 and signed by
Johann Dalmata, Superior Court Judge of the glorious County of Tolna and
Nikolaus Furdics, County Administrator.”
The real reason for interrogating the Majós delegation
was to uphold and preserve the “true Catholic faith”. The document indicates
that the Richter and the other representatives of Majós claimed to have
knowledge of the petition sent to the Emperor. No actual document has been
found or an author identified. Is it possible that it was Schadel, who is
called the ringleader and was claimed to be stubborn and belligerent who was
actually its author?
On July 5, 1727 the congregation of Majós made an
application to the County for permission to have and retain a pastor.
Franz Kun, along with Baron von Schilson, who were the
joint owners and landlords of Majós, were not Lutherans themselves, but were
fond and devoted to Protestantism in general. On July 7, 1727 the County
General Assembly met at Szekszárd. Johann Ferenczffy, a lawyer, and the
treasurer of Tolna County, reported that he noticed that Franz Kun was a
signatory to various religious writings of the pastor of Majós who was a
Lutheran serving in Majós, which had been published and for which Franz Kun
paid the printing costs. He then praised Kun over the contents of the
literary works of the Protestant preacher because he emphasized the
similarities between the Lutheranism and Catholicism and did not engage in
polemics. But then Ferenczffy brought up the fact that these “cheap” editions
and writings could, however, create great damage to the Roman Catholic faith
if not understood in the correct context.
The following is an excerpt from the Protocols of the
County Assembly:
“…that is why Johann Ferenczffy called for Franz Kun to
be ordered to appear before the County Court for his scandalous activities and
their consequences. The inhabitants of Majós were also charged, because they
had illegally contacted the Emperor with a petition that complained against
the County. For that reason they would have to stand before the Court and
surrender a copy of their petition. The Investigating Committee would be
named later in the Minutes…”
There is a notation in the Minutes of the County
Administration dated July 9, 1727 to the effect that the County Administration
thanked the Royal State Chancellery in Pressburg for supporting the expulsion
of the Lutheran pastor in Majós and accepting the complaints against the
Richter of Majós who was imprisoned in Simontornya. Further, they reiterated
that the petition of the Majós congregation was without any validity. The
complaints against the County were unfounded and without any truth.
The truth of the matter was that the Lutherans of Majós
simply wanted to take advantage of the promises made to them by high officials
of the State that upon emigrating to Hungary they would be free to practice
their Lutheran faith freely and openly without an hindrances. They worked
hard and were loyal to their noble landlords. They provided the support for
their pastors and schoolmasters, whenever they were allowed to fulfill their
office in Majós and not be expelled from the village. All of this was too
much for the County, the State and the Roman Catholic Church. In future,
whenever they did not have a pastor of their own they sought the services of
the pastor in Kismányok. Most of the entries with regard to births,
deaths, marriages related to Majós during these periods can be found in the
Kismányok Parish Register. But that included other villages as well who were
faced with the same situation: Bátaapáti, Bonyhad, Cikó, Csibrik, Györe,
Mucsfa, Hidas, Izmény, Mekényes, Mórágy, Tófü and Varalja. All of them
experienced difficulties and persecution, harassment and hindrances directed
against any attempts to carry out any form of Lutheran church life.
After the banishment of Pastor von Wieder in 1726 there
was a pastor serving Majós but there is no record of his name. Pastor Hagen
who arrived as pastor in 1784 during the construction of the church wrote the
following in the Church Chronicle:
“In 1729 in the Year of Our Lord, our pastor was expelled
from Majós, accompanied by two Hungarian Hussars and the County Magistrate
carrying out the orders of the County and the Bishop of Pécs. His identity,
however, escapes us.
The following document was probably written some time
between 1729 and 1730. It relates to the Lutheran pastors in both Majós and
Hidas and the report is written by the Roman Catholic Administrator of the
Roman Catholic Parish of Bonyhad:
“The action was taken as ordered by His Majesty the
Emperor through the Royal State Chancellery that the ministers of the Augsburg
Confession in the villages of Majós and German Hidas be expelled because they
were placed in office contrary to the Emperor’s decree and that the villages
are filials of the Roman Catholic Parish of Bonyhad and belong to it. The
local inhabitants in terms of the care of souls and pastoral services will not
be served by Lutheran pastors as per the regulations of Leopold II and
strengthened by the decrees of Charles VI, the so-called Carolina Resolutio.
The fact that the Lutheran pastors went beyond serving their villages but also
went to other villages on foot to provide pastoral care and celebrate the
sacraments is well known to the General Assembly of the County even though the
Imperial decision forbids this. None of the inhabitants of the villages,
however, will admit to this.
On the basis of this, they seek to bring a minister of
their own Confession from somewhere else to preach in their prayer houses
unless they have a schoolmaster of their religion who leads them in worship.
In this way they seek to avoid the use and payment for priestly services to
the Roman Catholic Parish in Bonyhad, which is their legal obligation. The
Calvinist inhabitants in the town have joined them in this disobedience. And
what is even worse, our greatest concern is that the Roman Catholic rectory
because of age and poor construction threatens to collapse any day now.
Because of that, I beg the glorious General Assembly of the County to forbid
the minister of the Augsburg Confession in Kismányok the right to make
pastoral visits to Majós and Hidas, because the Lutherans in Majós and Hidas,
as well as the Reformed believers in Bonyhad are responsible for supporting
the Bonyhad Roman Catholic Parish on a yearly basis providing subsidy by
Imperial decree. In addition, they are required to earnestly comply so that
the rectory in Bonyhad may by renovated and become a worthy residence for the
parish priest. And when the tithes and fees in wine, produce and money
appropriate to the compiled assessment of the named pastorates, done in the
presence of their landlords, are carried out and paid, the landlords be
ordered by the General Assembly to return the acreage assigned for the support
of the priest.”
After most of the Lutheran congregations in the district
surrounding Bonyhad were orphaned by the expulsion of their pastors, they
requested pastoral services from the pastor in Kismányok. The Roman Catholic
priest created uproar with the County officials not only because of his loss
of fees and revenue from the Lutherans, but also because this stood in the way
of their conversion. This led to the next difficulty and complaint.
The Administrator of the Roman Catholic Parish in
Bonyhad, Lord Michael Kocziany, complained to the County Assembly in writing
on October 22, 1736:
“I have been forced to acknowledge on my own authority
that the “little” pastor of the Augsburg Confession has taken his jurisdiction
beyond the borders of his parish, namely Kismányok.
(Translator’s note:
He uses the term “little” in
a pejorative sense. The Hungarian word for little is “kis” as in Kismányok.
The village is a stone’s throw away from the larger village of Nagymányok.
Nagy means: big or large. The Lutheran pastor in his opinion is nothing but a
little frog in a big pond.)
The man dares to provide pastoral care in my filial
congregations, above all in Majós and Hidas, but to what extent I cannot
determine for certain. At the same time he is also receiving income, not only
the fees that should come to me, but other income as well. This is a terrible
shame, and is an affront to the Roman Catholic Church and the laws of the land
and our holy faith. The parishioners in the above named filials were forced
to pay him on the basis of previous claims I have made. In addition, members
of the local Calvinist sect go to great lengths to blaspheme against us. As a
result of these blasphemies against God, it is becoming very frightening, for
when God acts he will punish many innocent people when He eventually
responds…”
After the Lutheran pastors were expelled in Majós and
most of the other settlements, by order of the State and County, all of the
Lutherans now belonged to the Roman Catholic Parish of Bonyhad. In this way
they wanted to force the Lutherans to accept Roman Catholic ministrants for
baptisms, marriages and funerals and gradually integrate them into the Roman
Catholic Church. The fees and assessments for such ministrations were to be
paid to the Roman Catholic priest. But during these times when they were
without a pastor, the settlers in Majós went to the Lutheran pastor in
Kismányok instead. The Church Register in Kismányok contains many references
to the families in Majós. Why was the pastor of Kismányok able to avoid
expulsion? The answer is simple: Count von Mercy, who was their noble
landlord, a world renowned General, Governor of the Banat, had so much power
that the County Assembly was afraid to take him on.
From 1730 to 1779, Majós was officially without a
pastor. In these times, the schoolmaster led the worship services, and if the
pastor from Kismányok were not available, he would preside at funerals, visit
the sick and baptize. After the death of Lord Sigismund Daranyi, the Bishop
of Pécs, and with the permission of Lord Joseph Perzel of Bonyhad, the then
owner of Majós, who served as the Vice Governor of Tolna County the
congregation, installed Pastor Samuel Haynoczy in Majós on May 29, 1749.
Pastor Haynoczy was well liked by the County
Administrators, as well as the Vicar General of Pécs, who unlike the former
bishop was not rigid in his attitude against the Protestants. A new bishop
had not yet been named. This vacancy provided the opportunity to initiate his
pastorate in Majós.
The following is a quote from a letter dated June 18,
1750 from the Royal State Chancellery in Pressburg to the County
Administration:
“With regard to the religious developments in the village
of Majós and the current resident preacher; even though he has not been
properly installed there, because he is there as a follower of the Augsburg
Confession. His Royal Majesty, the King has decreed that these developments
must stop, especially in light of the permission for him to erect a new prayer
house in the village to be used as directed by his religious convictions.
On these grounds all forms of religious freedom are
simply denied and the pastor must leave the area. The newly erected prayer
house is to be locked, boarded up and declared illegal. The County Magistrate
should be sternly rebuked for failing to put an end to the illegal assemblies
of the Lutherans in Majós. The inhabitants of Majós themselves, having
attended these gatherings have earned a suitable punishment and fine at the
order of His Majesty the Emperor and hearings and interrogations of
individuals should proceed through a County attorney…”
The letter continues chastening the County officials for
their negligence and ordering them to act swiftly as directed in the letter
and inform the Pressburg officials of the outcome. “Above all, put an end to
the assembly of the non-Catholics under your entire jurisdiction…”
But at the conclusion of the tirade the letter ends with:
“In conclusion, however, you will have to permit the
inhabitants of Majós to freely worship in other communities of their
Confession as the King’s grace and decree allows them to practice their
Lutheran faith.” The letter was signed by: Count Joseph Keglevich, George
Fabriancovics and Michael Domsich.
In these letters mention is made of a newly erected
prayer house. There is no evidence as to when or why a new prayer house was
constructed. It is obvious that the first prayer house would have been of
wood construction because of the availability of timber and lumber. It is
most probable that the new prayer house was built with the knowledge and
permission of their landlord, Perzel, but without the blessing of the
government apparatus. It is also obvious that the Imperial State Chancellery
received a notice from Bonyhad that resulted in sending the above documented
letter.
A further letter from Superior Court Judge Sztankovanszky
on September 7, 1750 to the Royal State Chancellery in Pressburg indicates
that on August 27th, the doors of the prayer house had been bricked
in and the keys had been confiscated. In the Church Chronicles it is noted
that it was the Judge along with a County cavalry unit that came and carried
out the action.
On the 14th Sunday after Trinity, in 1750,
Pastor Haynoczy held his farewell service in front of the locked and
barricaded prayer house. His last sermon text was from the Gospel of Luke,
Chapter 23, Verse 28: “Jesus turned to them and said, “You daughters of
Jerusalem, do not weep for me, but weep for yourselves and your children.”
Before they even had a pastor for a full year he was
forced to leave. It was a tearful parting from a pastor who had won their
love and affection. The 14th Sunday after Trinity was designated a
day of repentance and prayer every year until 1944. The entire congregation
received Holy Communion on that Sunday to remember this event in the life of
the congregation.
From this point on the bricked-in prayer house was no
longer to be used for church functions. For worship and prayer the
congregation assembled in the schoolhouse led by the schoolmaster. They did
this until one day the door of the prayer house stood open and from then on
they worshipped in the prayer house again. Naturally, this was not kept
secret from the authorities of the County and as a result the Superior Court
Judge Sztankovanszky and the Court Assistant Joseph Jekey appeared in Majós on
April 26, 1753. Their report to the County stated the following:
“We the undersigned, at the instruction of and in the
name of the glorious County of Tolna and its Administration brought the decree
of the County to the inhabitants of Majós. In our presence appeared the
following persons: The Richter, Valentin Bechtl, the council representatives
of the congregation: George Mayer, Johann Husch, Valentin Romaiser, Johann
Arnold Tranner, Heinrich Schmidt and Jakob Denz, the last of whom lives next
door to the prayer house. We questioned them about the person who had damaged
the seal and opened the prayer house of the adherents of the Augsburg
Confession. Which persons entered it and perhaps held services in it again?
The above named swore an oath that the official seal on the door became
soaking wet from the rain and fell off. None of them knew who had unlocked
the doors. Since they saw the doors were open they entered and did not lie
admitting they held worship services again until the County would forbid it.”
Shortly after returning and reporting back to the County
Administration, they were ordered to return to Majós and carry out their
orders. The report notes:
“At the order of the glorious County, we the undersigned
presented ourselves in Majós to lock up and seal the illegal prayer house of
the inhabitants holding to the Augsburg Confession.
In the presence of Valentin Bechtl, the Richter, and the
following other inhabitants of the village, namely: George Schlayer, Johann
Husch, Heinrich Pflug, George Krauss, Jakob Tewig, Konrad Oberndorf and
Heinrich Spitznagel. We locked the doors of the prayer house and put the
County and State seals on it.
At the same time we forbade one and all that held to the
Augsburg Confession to damage the seals or to practice their faith publicly.
We also took the keys into our possession as well.”
The report is dated April 29, 1753 and signed by Paul
Szankovanszky and Joseph Tekey. As a result, on April 19, 1753 the prayer
house had been doubly sealed.
From now on, the services were held in the schoolhouse
led by the schoolmaster. The schoolmaster was elected by the congregation and
supported by them. This Confessional school operated up to 1945. The new
powers that be in Hungary at the time made it into a state school. It was
illegally confiscated from the congregation.
These settlers in Majós expressed a strong and deep faith
and had a great longing for the Word of God. They had courage and
steadfastness and sent petitions to the Bishops, the County officials and even
the Emperor as we have seen. Here is an example of one written around 1751:
“Mighty esteemed Lord Bishop, along with the Highly
Respected and Praised County of Tolna. Gracious, worthy to be bowed down
before and Highly exalted Lords! With deep respect as your subjects we desire
to bring to your esteemed Greatnesses’ attention that our local bell tower is
in very bad shape and needs immediate attention before it simply collapses and
the bell be damaged or destroyed. Therefore, as dutiful subjects and with
great respect, we beg your Excellency the Bishop and your Highly Praised
County Administration that you would graciously allow us to erect another bell
tower. With this hope we appeal with great respect as obedient subjects in
the village of Majós.”
One year later, the congregation had still received no
response from either the Bishop or the County. The congregation wrote to the
Bishop again. This next letter neglected to use all of the full-blown
niceties of official Habsburg correspondence.
“After almost one year, your Excellencies, in spite of
numerous supplications on our part, with regard to our request to replace our
damaged tower you have given us no answer as of this date and we repeat the
need for direction in the very immediate future to deal with this problem. So
we request once more, as obedient subjects of your Excellency and the Highly
Praised County to graciously allow us to build a new bell tower. But the most
needful and important matter, that we respectfully request of your Excellency,
as well as on the basis of the gracious compassion of God, with weeping eyes
we plead that your Excellencies will be merciful to us, and graciously allow
us to hold our simple services of worship in our own poor locked prayer
house. Such great grace on your part and your compassion will not go
unnoticed by our compassionate Lord. On our part, we will offer our poor
prayers on your behalf, that our gracious God will keep your Excellency in His
protection and grace and provide you with good health and happiness and a
sense of well being…the congregation of Majós and all of your servants.”
The next petition to the County and the Bishop comes from
the year 1753. The content of the petition is the request for a hearing to
contest the order of the Vice Sheriff of the County to force the Lutherans of
the Majós to receive all services for baptisms, marriages and funerals from
the Roman Catholic priest in Bonyhad, while strictly forbidding the Majós
Lutherans to hold worship services in their local prayer house. They rested
their case on the fact that from the establishment of Majós, thirty-two years
previously, through the great grace of the Emperor and the Imperial Majesty as
they put it, they had been granted the right to worship in their local prayer
house and seek the ministrations of the Lutheran pastor in Kismányok for
baptisms and marriages. They asked for the re-instatement of the rights
granted to them by Charles VI in 1721. Neither the Bishop nor the County ever
responded to their petition.
Life for the Lutherans in Majós was less difficult than
that of the Lutherans in nearby Bonyhad. In Majós all the inhabitants were
Lutheran, while in Bonyhad there were Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists
and those of the Jewish faith. For instance, there is a document from the
Royal State Chancellery in Pressburg, dated December 22, 1766. The
Chancellery indicates that it had received information to the effect that on
November 1,1766 in the town of Bonyhad, the Richter who had been elected by
the inhabitants was a member of the Lutheran sect. Because the Roman
Catholic priest refused to give the new Richter the oath of office, the noble
landlords welcomed the new Richter into their houses and then also appointed
the Assistant Richter who was also a Lutheran. The Roman Catholic
representatives on the town Council were put out of office and were replaced
with non-Catholics who took over the administration. Added to that, Bonyhad
elected the son of the Lutheran preacher in Hidas as the town Notary. In this
report there is also a reference to Majós, and an indication that the goal of
the Counter Reformation to convert the Lutherans there was still in full
force. The report notes:
“We immediately need to forbid the practice of this
non-Catholic faith in the village of Majós, a filial of the Roman Catholic
Parish of Bonyhad. This is the basis of the Gracious Royal Decree of July 18,
1750 of which your officials are aware. The installed preacher there must be
expelled and the newly erected prayer house must be confiscated and the use of
it totally prohibited.”
Of interest, is the fact that outside of this reference
there is no other written evidence of a pastor living and serving in Majós at
the time. It most likely is a reference to the schoolmaster who carried out
worship and other pastoral duties.
(Translator’s note:
The term schoolmaster is a
misnomer because the men were Levite Lehrers a reference to a
priestly class in the Old Testament. They were trained theologically and
often served as teachers prior to their ordination.)
The letter from Pressburg continues:
“The Highly Esteemed noble landlord should be strongly
urged to take action against this “preacher”. The schoolmaster’s house that
is attached to the school is where the preaching services are held and we
demand that action be taken against all concerned.”
The congregation’s loyalty to the Word of God was so
strong that they did not allow themselves to be cowered by the authorities and
continued to worship in their prayer house. As a result, they were fined
twelve Gulden on February 18, 1768. In response, they sent a petition to the
Bishop of Pécs, but it was denied. The Royal State Chancellery wrote on April
25, 1768 to the higher authorities in Tolna County noting that the twelve
Gulden fine was to be paid by the schoolmaster, not the congregation of
Majós. The schoolmaster had to personally pay the Vice Sheriff of Tolna
County and he was ordered to forward it to the Royal State Chancellery as
quickly as possible.
On June 3, 1768 the Emperor, Joseph II personally visited
Szekszárd and representatives from the Majós congregation handed him a copy of
a petition that they had sent on June 6, 1768 to his secretary and aide, Lord
Johann Drossclegg in Vienna.
Just as there had been no answer or results to their
other petitions, it also held true for this one. Emperor Joseph II travelled
throughout the Empire to hear the “voice” of the people as he put it. The
results of what he learned would take effect later. In 1781, his Edict of
Toleration was signed and new wind would be blowing for the Protestants in the
Habsburg Empire.
The Edict of Toleration raised the hope for freedom of
religion in the Habsburg lands. The Lutheran congregations in Tolna County
acted quickly to build churches and call pastors. But it was not that simple
nor was it that easy to achieve what the Edict promised. The Imperial Royal
Hungarian Chamber did all it could to hinder the Lutheran congregations from
exercising their new rights as much as possible. Because the County was
still strongly influenced by the Roman Catholic bishop and clergy there was
also opposition from that quarter. It would require a lot of perseverance and
determination on the part of the congregations to realize the benefits of the
Edict of Toleration.
On October 13, 1781 the Emperor Joseph II promulgated the
Edict of Toleration in the lands and territories within the Habsburg Empire,
granting “tolerance” to Protestant and Eastern Orthodox believers. They were
however simply to be tolerated.
The primary purpose of the Edict from the Emperor’s
perspective was to regulate the status of non-Catholic Churches in the
Empire. This would replace the former regulations that had been used to
curtail the life of non-Catholics that had been decreed in 1681. In those
former decrees, the Habsburg emperors regulated the regions in which
Protestants were permitted to practice their faith in the so-called Artikular churches. Which meant that two Lutheran churches were permitted
in each County of the Kingdom of Hungary. The same also applied to the
Calvinists and Orthodox.
(Translator’s note:
Varsad and Gyönk are the
examples in Tolna County, but due to the influence of Count von Mercy, both
Kistormás and Kismányok were also granted that status and continued to
function without too much interference.)
This new Edict and decree of the Emperor no longer
recognized such special regional restrictions but allowed for the free
development of religious faith in the Empire without any territorial
boundaries such as Counties. The central and primary status of Roman
Catholicism remained uncontested, although the bishops opposed the Edict and
protested against it vehemently with the support of Papacy, but without any
results in their favour.
(Translator’s note:
All of the details of the
Edict are included in the text but I will only provide some of the salient
features that might be of interest.)
The preamble to the regulations of the Edict indicates
the following:
The three groups who were to benefit from the Edict are
identified as those holding to the Augsburg Confession (Lutherans), the
Helvetic Confession (Calvinist/Reformed) and the Greek Orthodox family of
Churches. The Roman Catholic Church alone remains the public state religion
of the Empire. Those of either of the Protestant faiths or Orthodox believers
who live in a situation in which numbers fail to reach the minimum of one
hundred families to form an official parish are permitted to practice their
faith privately.
The First Regulation:
Wherever one hundred families of a common Confession live
a community or in close proximity to one another whether there is a prayer
house served by a pastor or not may organize themselves into a congregation
and will be allowed to erect a prayer house along with a school. Those who
live farther away are free to visit such prayer houses as often as they desire
and call upon the clergy to visit them, especially the sick. Anyone
attempting to hinder this ministry will have to answer personally for this
affront. In terms of the appearance of the prayer house, unless it is already
built, there shall be no bell or tower nor shall there be an entrance facing a
street.
The Second Regulation:
The congregation is permitted their own schoolmaster,
whose support is the responsibility of the congregation and he must meet
certain government standards.
The Third Regulation:
Protestants are permitted to elect their own pastors and
must provide support for them from their own resources. Where Protestant
Church structures exist i.e. Seniorats or Synods, they must confirm the call.
Such consistories should be established as soon as possible for the sake of
good order.
The Fifth Regulation:
Protestant clergy and teachers are no longer responsible
to Roman Catholic bishops nor can they be placed under their jurisdiction, nor
must they answer to them for their theological convictions.
The Sixth Regulation:
0With regard to mixed marriages, in the future, the sons
of such marriages will be raised in the religion of the father, and all
daughters in the religion of their mother.
The Edict was formally decreed in Linz in Austria on
October 13, 1781.
There were very long waits, because of the numerous
applications from congregations and parishes across the Empire, where there
had been absolutely no visible presence of organized Lutheran church life for
over one hundred years. Overnight hundreds of underground congregations
emerged in Austria, Slovakia, Bohemia, Hungary and Slovenia and to the
Emperor’s surprise even in Vienna itself where Lutheranism had always been
banned. Such an application to organize was made by the congregation in Majós
on July 1, 1782.
“Glorious County Assembly. The undersigned obedient
subjects of the Glorious General Assembly of Tolna County, request to secure
permission to publicly express our faith, to install an appropriate pastor,
erect a new prayer house and a parsonage and send a delegation of
representatives to investigate these possibilities with you.
First of all, it must be said, the right to practice our
Lutheran faith had been granted to us previously and has now been newly
strengthened by Emperor Joseph II, under whose protection we now claim this
right.
(Translator’s note:
This is less than a subtle
reminder of the Emperor’s promises in the past when their ancestors had first
emigrated to Hungary. These were hardly servile peasants like the County
officials were more accustomed to dealing with. In terms of the time and
place, this statement is utterly amazing. The reader will notice they get
even bolder.)
Secondly, we formerly had the right of publicly
practicing our religion and enjoyed a pastor of our own up to the year 1748,
but in that year we were robbed of this right. We had to be content
with the services of our faithful schoolmaster.
Thirdly, because our congregation consists of 159 married
couples, we are eligible to be recognized as a congregation.
Fourthly, we are prepared to assume the costs for the
building of a new prayer house, a parsonage, and for the salaries of our
pastor and schoolmaster.”
Their application was forwarded to the County
Administration in Simontornya. The reader will note the date 1748 differs
from the expulsion of the pastor in 1750. But at that time no church records
were kept and they relied on their memory and used an approximate date.
It took a long time for the Royal Hungarian Chamber to
respond when it set in motion the first census of Majós and wrote to the
congregation to that effect on January 24, 1783. In February and April of
1783 the County of Tolna was informed that the Lutheran congregations in
Szekszárd, Kéty and Bikács had received approval to build their prayer
houses. The same decision had also been made in regard to the Lutherans in
Felsönána and Kalazno. But Udvari and Szárázd were not included because they
could not arrange the finances to build one. The request of the congregation
in Izmény was still outstanding because of two circumstances. They were
allowed to visit a prayer house in their vicinity because they were unable to
bear the costs to erect a prayer house of their own. The Mórágy congregation
received permission to publicly practice their faith. The Reformed and
Lutherans in Bonyhad were not granted the public practice of their faith
because both groups could easily access a prayer house in the vicinity and
neither had the required number of one hundred families. As a result, some of
the families moved to Majós and Mucsfa. Alsónána could not meet the
requirements while in Bátaapáti the public practice of their faith was
recognized and permitted. Finally, the congregations whose requests had not
been approved were told join themselves to nearby prayer houses and pastors,
but would have to continue paying their church tithes to support the Roman
Catholic priest and schoolmasters in their communities. Majós belonged to
this latter group. The promised census in Majós was not undertaken.
On December 31, 1783 the Supreme Court Judge of Tolna
County, Joseph Dory von Jobahaza informed the Hungarian State Chamber of a
second application from Majós and wrote that the humble petition of the Majós
congregation with regard to the public practice of their faith had led to a
census as previously promised. It was proven that number of households and
the extended families, as well as the financial commitment for erecting a
prayer house and the support of a resident pastor and schoolmaster were all in
place. The County counted 92 houses, in which 111 families resided, numbering
602 persons. In the same letter, the Supreme Court Judge further reported
that the Lutheran inhabitants of Bonyhad had appeared before him and declared
that in the event the Majós congregation received permission to practice their
faith publicly by a decree from the Emperor, they, the Bonyhad Lutherans would
become a filial of Majós.
Along with his letter, the Judge included a list of all
of the families, their numbers, the taxes they paid and their commitment to
the cost of the anticipated church life they planned for the future. This
list was notarized by Michael Winkler, the Roman Catholic priest in Bonyhad
and Vice Sheriff, Peter Magyari Kossa on behalf of the Protestant deputies of
the County, (he was the Calvinist landlord in Gyönk) along with Samuel Hajos
on behalf of the deputies adhering to the Augsburg Confession. The letter was
dated January 24, 1783 in Majós.
(Translator’s note:
The head of each household or
family had to make a personal and public profession of faith in the presence
of the Roman Catholic priest and sign a declaration to that effect.)
On December 1, 1783 the Hungarian Royal Chamber in
Pressburg announced the decree that approved the petition of the Izmény
congregation to call a pastor and permission to build a prayer house. On the
same day another resolution was passed in response to the petition of the
Lutherans in Mucsfa even though their number of families was less than the one
hundred that the Edict called for. It was their feeling that the numbers were
still sufficient for them to authorize the request. From a letter of
December 15, 1783 the inhabitants of Murga received permission to elect a
schoolmaster and build a school. The Majós congregation received a letter
dated January 20, 1784 in which they were informed their application to
publicly practice their faith was granted and permission was further given for
them to receive the Lutherans in the market town of Bonyhad as a filial
congregation but with the understanding that their tithes for the Roman
Catholic priest in Bonyhad stayed in effect for them. This was due to the
large influx of recent settlers from Württemberg. Finally on January 26, 1784
the “gracious decree” was received in Majós, and freedom of religion was
granted to them. On February 3, 1784 the Lutherans of Kéty received a similar
decree and permission to erect a prayer house and to support their own
schoolmaster. On the same day, similar decrees arrived in Izmény and Mucsfa
to call and support a pastor. On March 15, 1784 Izmény was granted freedom of
religion.
Along with all of these “gracious decrees” on April 26,
1784 an order was sent to all of the Protestant pastors in which they were
warned not to convert any Roman Catholics to their faith. However, if someone
sought to embrace the Protestant faith, he was not able to do so without first
receiving six weeks of instruction in Catholicism from a priest and produce a
witness that the person participated in Protestant worship at their own
personal request.
The first pastor in Majós after the Edict was put into
effect was Paul Hagen former pastor of Ossiarch in Carinthia in Austria and
where he had also served as the “bishop” of all of the underground Lutheran
congregations in the Steiermark. He served from 1784 to August of 1785 until
he died suddenly. He, in turn, was succeeded by Peter Wargott Gerib, who was
a Transylvanian Saxon.
Even though the Edict was in effect, there were still
instances of Roman Catholic interference in the lives of the Lutherans and
their congregations. A complaint from the pastor in Majós to the County
indicates such an issue.
“The village of Majós whose inhabitants are adherents of
the Augsburg Confession complain against the parish priest and vice-deacon of
Bonyhad who, in spite of the newly promulgated Royal decree proceeded with the
publication of bans of a Lutheran inhabitant residing in Bonyhad. The Roman
Catholic priest prevented the man from leaving to get married in Majós, even
though he paid the priest the necessary fees. The priest from Bonyhad
chastised the Lutheran pastor with words inappropriate for Christians to speak
to one another.”
The County responded by warning the priest to desist from
such interferences in the future. But in order to placate the priest, the
Lutherans and Reformed in Bonyhad had to provide free labour and building
materials to help build the new Roman Catholic church fit for the expanding
market town along with a special tax only they had to pay. No Lutheran or
Reformed clergyman was allowed to set foot in the town until 1811, when a
Lutheran pastor dared to enter the town to minister to one his sick members.
He was taken to court and expelled from the County. The furor this caused led
to the imposition of the Edict of Toleration in Bonyhad and the largest
Lutheran congregation in Tolna County emerged there with a high school,
preparatory college and a Lutheran deaconess Motherhouse to serve the social
and spiritual needs of the community in the following decades until the
disillusion of their Order under the Communists in 1948.
(Translator’s note:
Majós is now incorporated
within the city of Bonyhad. The vast majority of the population of Majós was
deported in the late summer of 1947 and replaced with “new settlers” from
Eastern Hungary. There is still a small remnant Lutheran congregation in
existence. Today, at the front of the church you can see the memorial to
eighty-one of the men and women from Majós who were taken to the labour camps
in the Soviet Union during Christmas 1944 who never returned and died there.
The Places of Origin of
the Settlers
In Majós and Bonyhad
Ackermann, Johann
Christoph Lorch, Wuerttemberg
Ackermann,
Philip Lorch,
Wuerttenberg
Allmeyer,
Matthias Neusiedl am
See
Arndt, Hans Jakob Bleichenbach
Arnold, Leonhard Nordlingen
Bach, Johann
Friedrich Noertigen
Bardshoff,
Martin Klingenbergen
Bauer,
George Neumsollbach
Bechtel, Appollonia Griesheim
Binder,
Joseph Olhan,
Eisenburg County
Deckmann, Johann
Conrad Bleichenbach
Deckmann, Weigand Bleichenbach
Ehrenfels, Johann
Nicolaus Wolfstein
Ehrhardt, Jakob
Friedrich Klingen
Erdlin,
Daniel Nordlingen
Faul, Johann
Philip Kirchheim
Friedrich, Johannes
Magelsdorf bei Nurnberg
Gebhard, Johann
Heinrich Schoenberg
Harold,
Adam Brodorf
Heiml,
Christoph Besenrind,
Pfalz Bayern
Herold,
Adam Brendorf,
Bayern
Hertlein,
Heinrich Muehlhausen
Hochstatt,
Heinrich Altenbuchhausen
Hoff,
Caspar Gedern
Horn, Gottlieb
Friedland
Klemen, Anna Appollonia
Leutershausen
Kramer, Jakob Krebsweiler
Kunz, Gyula
Friedrich
Frickenhofen, Wuerttemberg
Ladensteiner, Anna
Maria Granau
bei Pressburg
Liebegott,
Heinrich
Bleichenbach
Liebegott,
Catharina Bleichenbach
Mertz, Johann
Adam
Heigenbruecken
Miller, Maria
Elisabeth
Bei Hanau
Mueller,
Bernhard
Abschwingen
Mueller, Jakob Oedenburg,
Hungary
Mueller,
Philip
Windsheim, Bayern
Nellinger, Jakob
Rensburg, Holstein
Neun, Johann
Joachim
Bleichenbach
Neun,
Joachim Bleichenbach
Olden, Johanna
Christina Jena
Pflug, Christoph
Bleichenbach
Philip,
Johannes Ordenbug,
Bayern-Pfalz
Rausch, Johann
George Bleichenbach
Ritzel,
Johannes Bleichenbach
Ritzel, Johann
Heinrich
Bleichenbach
Roesslen, George
Michael
Klingenbergen
Roth, Chrisoph Eichelberg
Roth,
Joseph Oedenburg,
Hungary
Schaedel, Elisabeth
Margaret
Woekershan
Schmeisser,
Nicolaus
Boitelbach, Zweibruecken
Schuchmann,
Johanna
Obergimperg
Spiess, Johann
Lorenz
Altershausen, Franken
Stoeckel, Anna
Maria Lorch,
Wuerttemberg
Thime,
Lorenz
Gross-Grotorf, Wuerttemberg
Wagner,
August Magdeburg
Walter,Johannes Lindach,
Schwaben
Weber,Leonhard Neuenstein/Hohenloisch
Wenzel, Ludwig Adolf Ortenburg/Stollbergisch
Wilms, Johann Ludwig
Martin
Moellen/Lauenburgisch
Windecker,
Catharina
Bernstein
Winhold,
Konrad
Nordlingen
